ACSSA WrapMarketing Research and Data Analysis
A U S T R A L I A N C E N T R E F O R T H E S T U D Y O F S E X U A L A S S A U L T
NO. DECEMBER 3 2006
Young people who sexually
abuse: Key issues
CaMERON BOYD
in collaboration with Leah Bromfeld
This paper is about young people who have committed acts of sexual
abuse. It is written for those who might come across this issue in their
day-to-day work and would like to know what the current research and
practice says about understanding and responding to this group of young
people.
Who are we talking about?
Many of the issues discussed in this paper are relevant to sexually abusive
behaviour by all young people, regardless of their age. Given the vast majority of
sexual abuse is committed by boys and men, in this paper we generally assume we
are talking about males. We use the term “young people” to describe adolescents
aged 13–17 years. However, children younger than this can harm or distress
others by their sexual behaviours, and children aged 10 and over can be held
criminally responsible for sexually abusive behaviour in most states and territories
(although it is extremely uncommon for children under 15 to face prosecution)
(Offce for Children, 2005). Police, child protection, treatment providers and the
juvenile justice system will adjust their interventions according to the age and
developmental level of the young person.
What is ‘normal’ sexual behaviour for adolescents?
Sexual development and exploration is a normal part of healthy adolescence.
However some young people engage in sexual behaviour that is not within the
‘normal’ bounds of development (see Table 1 on page 2).
The point at which ‘normal’ sexual behaviour becomes abusive cannot always
be decided based on the behaviour alone. It is useful to think about three
factors—equality, consent and coercion—and to what extent they are present in
the relationship between the young people involved in the sexual interaction
(Ryan, 1997). For example, an age difference of more than two years is generally
considered unequal.
| A U S T R A L I A N I N S T I T U T E O F FA M I LY S T U D I E S |
NATIONAL
CHILD
PROTECTION
CLEARINGHOUSE
PUBLISHED BY THE AUSTRALIAN INSTITUTE OF FAMILY STUDIES NO. 2006
Practice Brief
1
P U B L I S H E D A L S O A S
The Australian Centre for the Study of Sexual Assault
aims to improve access to current information on sexual
assault in order to assist policy makers, service providers,
and others interested in this area to develop evidencebased strategies to prevent, respond to, and ultimately
reduce the incidence of sexual assault.
The Australian Centre for the Study of Sexual Assault is
funded by the Offce for Women, Australian Government
Department of Families, Community Services and
Indigenous Affairs, through the Women’s Safety Agenda.
The Centre is hosted by the Australian Institute of Family
Studies.
© Commonwealth of Australia 2006
This work is copyright. Apart from any use as permitted under the
Copyright Act 1968, no part may be reproduced by any process
without prior written permission from the Commonwealth. Requests
and inquiries concerning reproduction and rights should be addressed
to the Commonwealth Copyright Administration, Attorney General’s
Department, Robert Garran Offces, National Circuit, Barton ACT 2600
or posted at www.ag.gov.au/cca
The Australian Institute of Family Studies is committed to the
creation and dissemination of research-based information on family
functioning and wellbeing. Views expressed in its publications are
those of individual authors and may not reflect Australian Government
or Institute policy, or the opinions of the Editors or of the Director.
Australian Institute of Family Studies
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Social and cultural norms
Sexual abuse is not just a matter of pathological individuals but is
a social and cultural problem of gender and power. Unfortunately,
“negative and stereotypical attitudes towards women are commonplace
among men [including boys and young men] and are not specifc to
sexual offenders” (Epps & Fisher, 2004, pp. 78–79). The commonplace
nature of these problematic attitudes does not minimise the abusive
action of young people. Rather, it emphasises that such behaviour is
tacitly and sometimes explicitly condoned within the cultural context
of many (young) people.
What do we call young people who have sexually abused others?
There are a range of phrases used in the research and treatment
literature to describe this group, including ‘juvenile sex offenders’,
‘young people who sexually abuse’, ‘adolescent sex offenders’, and
‘adolescents with sexually abusive behaviours’. Labelling young
people who have sexually abused as ‘sex offenders’ is thought by many
to be potentially psychologically harmful and can inhibit efforts to
change. However, there is also a need to acknowledge that ultimately
the responsibility for the abuse lies with the young person who has
perpetrated it, and that their acts of sexual abuse cause harm and are
criminal. In this paper we will use the phrase ‘young people who have
sexually abused’ or ‘young people who sexually abuse’.
Sexual abuse or sexual experimentation?
There is a tendency to minimise or dismiss young people’s sexually
abusive behaviour as experimentation or play, or as a ‘phase’ that
will pass with age (Ryan & Lane, 1997). Such minimisation belies the
seriousness of the abuse and the harm that is caused to the victims.
The Victorian Law Reform Commission recommended that this
issue be researched in order to develop clear boundaries about what
constitutes sexual abuse by young people (Friedman, Langan, Little, &
Neave, 2004). Coercive or forceful sexual behaviour with children (or
with peers) is always abusive, and should not be regarded as ‘normal’
adolescent behaviour (see Table 1).
How common a problem is sexual abuse by young people?
It is unclear how much sexual abuse young people commit. It is
notoriously diffcult to accurately measure the rates of sexual abuse
of any kind (Neame & Heenan, 2003). Most offcial fgures are likely
to be underestimates. The dynamics of abuse itself contribute to this,
ACSSA Wrap No. 3
Also published as National Child Protection
Clearinghouse, Practice Brief No. 1. For this and other
Clearinghouse publications, go to www.aifs.gov.au/
nch/pubs
Young people who sexually abuse:
Key issues
By Cameron Boyd
In collaboration with Leah Bromfeld
The authors
Cameron Boyd is a Research Offcer with the Australian
Centre for the Study of Sexual Assault at the Australian Institute
of Family Studies.
Leah Bromfeld is the Manager of the National Child Protection
Clearinghouse at the Australian Institute of Family Studies.
Acknowledgements
Thanks to Zoë Morrison, Daryl Higgins and Mathew Gray
(Australian Institute of Family Studies) for their comments and
suggestions.
| 2 | A C S S A W R A P N O . 3 D E C E M B E R 2 0 0 6 |
Table . Normal and concerning/abusive sexual behaviours
‘Normal’ adolescent sexual
behaviours
Concerning/Abusive behaviours
Masturbation in private Masturbation causing physical harm or distress to self
and others
Public masturbation
Mutual kissing Unwanted kissing
Sexual arousal
Sexual attraction to others
Voyeurism
Stalking
Sadism (gaining sexual pleasure from others’ suffering)
Consensual touching of other’s
genitals
Consensual sexual intercourse
Consensual oral sex
Non-consensual groping or touching of others’ genitals
Coercive sexual intercourse/ sexual assault
Coercive oral sex
Behaviour that contributes to
positive relationships
Behaviour that isolates the young person and is
destructive of their relationships with peers and family
Adapted from material presented in Araji, 2004.
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as many victim/survivors feel too ashamed or are afraid
of the consequences of reporting their abuse. Reasons for
this include threats made by the offender and the social
stigma and responses to sexual abuse. Various methods
of counting and defning sexual abuse lead to different
conclusions regarding how often it occurs. Police statistics
showing the percentage of all sexual abuse committed by
young people is relatively consistent (between 9–16%, see
Table 2 for some examples from Australia illustrating this
point). This is consistent with victim reports on offenders
from New South Wales counselling services. However, some
authors have suggested that the rates are much higher, and
that offences by young people account for up to 50% of
offences against children and 30% of rapes of adolescent
girls and adult women (Barbaree, Hudson, & Seto, 1993;
Becker, Harris, & Sales, 1993 cited in Burk & Burkhart,
2003).This illustrates that young people are the offenders
in a signifcant number of known sexual abuse cases.
Who do young people offend against?
Young people who sexually abuse generally target either
younger children or peers, although some young people
also target adults. A recent report by an Australian service
provider found that:
• 84.5% of victims of adolescents referred for their sexually
abusive behaviour were aged 6–11 years;
• 94.3% of the adolescents knew their victim; and
• 45.9% abused someone within their immediate family
(Flanagan & Hayman-White, 1999).
Of all children referred to the service as a result of sexual
victimisation, one third were abused by a person under
18 years. (These fgures were based on clients seen by
the service between 1994–1997, and included 534 child
victims in total) (Flanagan & Hayman-White, 1999). A
recent review revealed that the peer-aged victims of young
men are mostly female, and child victims are almost
equally boys and girls (Hatch & Northam, 2005). There is
a common misperception that a young person who has
sexually abused a female child will only present a risk to
other female children. However, victims tend to be chosen
based on factors of vulnerability and accessibility, rather
than anything related to the abuser’s sexual arousal or
interests (Children’s Protection Society, 2003).
Relationship and dating violence
A major Australian sexual health study of 2,388 students
(15–17 years old) reported that 14.9% of girls had unwanted
sex because “their partner thought they should” (Smith,
Agius, Dyson, Mitchell, & Pitts, 2003). This suggests that
consent was absent and/or there was some level of coercion
in these girls’ sexual relationships. These fgures may be
underestimates as even with confdential surveys, there is
still a tendency for people not to disclose sexual abuse.
at what age do young people sexually abuse?
Recent Australian fgures suggest that 23% of young people
who are in treatment for their sexually abusive behaviours
are aged 10–12 years and 70% are 15 years or younger
(Griffth University Adolescent Forensic Assessment and
Treatment Centre, 2005 cited in Grant, Thornton, &
Chamarette, 2006). There are thought to be two ‘peak’ ages
for male sexual offenders to abuse, one being around 14
years and the second being in the mid-to-late 30s (Nisbet,
Rombouts, & Smallbone, 2005). The age of the offender
does not determine the degree of harm caused to the victim.
Intrusive acts of abuse by a school peer or sibling can be just
as frightening and serious as abuse by an adult.
Which young people are likely to sexually abuse?
There is a growing body of research that aims to identify
certain characteristics of sexually abusive young people that
set them apart from the general population. Some of the
main characteristics that are thought to be important are:
• gender;
• psychological and behavioural characteristics;
• family and environmental characteristics; and
• offence characteristics.
Gender
The vast majority of young people who sexually abuse are male.
This highlights the importance of maintaining an analysis of
gender and masculinity when thinking about how to respond
to sexual violence. However, such analysis is notably absent
in the clinical and research literature on treatment for sexual
offenders (Chung, O’Leary, & Hand, 2006).
There is also a growing recognition that adolescent girls also
sexually abuse (e.g. Bumby & Bumby, 2004; Kubik, 2002).
A 2001 US review found that 2.6% of adolescent offenders
were female (Hislop, 2001 cited in Bunting, 2005).
Table 2. Sexual abuse by young people as proportion of all
known sexual assaults: Summary data
Sample type State Age Young
offenders
as % of
all sexual
assaults
Data
source
Year of
data
Alleged
offenders–nonrape sexual
assault
Victoria Under
17
12.0
13.0
Victoria
Police1
2003/4
2004/5
Alleged
offenders–rape
Victoria Under
17
14.0
9.0
Victoria
Police1
2003/4
2004/5
Formal police
apprehensions/
cautions for
all sexual
offenders (may
include multiple
offences)
South
Australia
Under
182
13.9 SA
Police3
2004
All sexual
abuse cases
prompting police
involvement
Queensland Under
17
14.9 Qld
Police4
2004/5
Presentations
of child sexual
abuse cases to
sexual assault
services–victim
reports of
offender
New South
Wales
Under
16
16.2 NSW
Health5
1995/6
1 Victoria Police, 2005
2 Includes n = 16 apprehended when over 17 years of age
3 South Australian Offce of Crime Statistics & Research, 2005
4 Queensland Police Service, 2005
5 Nisbet, Rombouts, & Smallbone, 2005
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Psychological and behavioural characteristics
The psychopathology/deviance model has had the strongest
influence on the treatment of adult sexual offenders (Chung
et al., 2006). The special issue of the Journal of Child Sexual
Abuse devoted to ‘Juvenile sex offenders’ (2004, vol. 13, no.
3/4) would suggest that, in the US at least, this is also the
case regarding young people who sexually abuse. In these
models, explanations for sexually abusive behaviour focus
on particular characteristics of abusive individuals. Some
emerging themes from this research include:
• young people who sexually abuse appear to share much
in common with young people who engage in nonsexual criminal behaviours (Nisbet et al., 2005);
• young people who sexually abuse do not experience
higher rates of mental illness than the general
population;
• poor impulse control may be a factor in some young
people’s offending (especially where peers or adults
are targeted); however this may simply contribute to
their being discovered, rather than having any causal
signifcance for the abusive behaviour (Epps & Fisher,
2004);
• a diagnosis such as Conduct Disorder is sometimes
applied to a young person on the basis of their sexual
offending (effectively ‘after the fact’), as a way of
explaining the behaviour; and
• young people who have abused a child (especially a
younger sibling) may have a relative lack of social skills
leading to isolation from peers (Hatch & Northam,
2005).
Generally, the attempts to establish a psychological profle
for young people who have sexually abused are inconclusive
(Moore, Franey, & Geffner, 2004).
Family and environmental characteristics
Family background is thought by a number of researchers
to be a factor in the development of some young people’s
sexually abusive behaviours. This research typically suggests
that parents of sexually abusive young people experienced
higher rates of abusive experiences in their own childhood,
and have more diffculties with family functioning generally
(Duane, Carr, Cherry, McGrath, & O’Shea, 2003).
There is a growing body of research that links witnessing
family violence as a child with the development of sexually
abusive behaviour in young people (Righthand & Welch,
2004), especially in the case of sibling abuse (Hatch &
Northam, 2005). However the research on families of
young people who sexually abuse is generally inconclusive,
due to the lack of control groups for comparison as well
as small sample sizes. In regard to family dynamics, Duane
and Morrison stated that, “it is possible only to say that
these factors may be linked to the development of sexually
abusive behaviour in some young people” (2004, p. 119).
Problematic family relationships do not automatically
result in sexually abusive behaviours. Some young people
who sexually abuse have experienced violent or troubled
childhoods, however most young people who grow up with
abusive family dynamics do not sexually abuse.
Offence characteristics
Generally, the research suggests that individuals who
sexually abuse children are more likely to be socially isolated
and have poor social skills. Those who offend against peers
or adults tend to use more physical force and aggression
than those who sexually abuse children (Epps & Fisher,
2004).
are young people who abuse victims of sexual
abuse?
The ‘victim-to-offender’ cycle
The idea of a victim-to-offender cycle is drawn from the
influential 1962 article “The Battered Child Syndrome”,
which discussed physical child abuse in the childhood of
adults who physically abused their own children (Kempe et
al., 1962). The notion of a cycle has proven to be extremely
popular and has since been widely used to explain sexual
abuse. There is much dispute about the usefulness of this
theory. The two main reasons for the dispute are:
• the inconclusive nature of the research about the extent
to which victims of sexual abuse do go on to sexually
abuse; and
• the broader social and political factors in sexual abuse
(such as the role of gender and power) are minimised.
For example, the victim-to-offender cycle is not generally
thought to apply to girls who are victims of abuse. Kelly
(1996) points out that if the cycle explanation held true,
women would commit the majority of sexual abuse, as
girls are the main victims of sexual abuse. Thus there is an
implicit (but often unarticulated) assumption in the victimto-offender cycle explanation that boys, and not girls, will
go on to sexually abuse. This illustrates that gender is
a fundamental factor in sexual abuse that is rarely made
explicit in the treatment literature (for further discussion see
Durham, 2006; Slattery, 2000). (These authors, particularly
Slattery, highlight the importance of utilising a gendered
analysis in understanding sexually abusive behaviour;
their discussions are not focused critiques of the victimto-offender cycle. Refer to Kelly for a more direct criticism
of the cycle). Despite the contestation of the victim-tooffender cycle in academic circles, it continues to hold
“strong appeal for practitioners” (Allan, 2006, p. 64).
Yet the majority of male victims of child sexual abuse do
not go on to abuse in later life. The proportion of male
victims who do go on to abuse is not known, and any fgure
is an estimate at best. For example, one review revealed
fndings ranging from 7–26% (Rezmovic, Sloane, Alexander,
Seltser, & Jessor, 1996). Some, but not all, adult and young
offenders have experienced childhood sexual abuse (see
Figure 1). Victimisation is not a sole causal factor in the
development of sexually abusive behaviour, and alone does
not adequately predict the development of sexually abusive
behaviour (Glasser, Kolvin, Campbell, Glasser, Leitch, &
Farrelly, 2001, and the associated commentaries). There is
some literature that suggests that therapy with boy victims
should explore this as a risk (for example Bentovim, 2002).
Such children (and their parents) need reassurance that the
child who has been abused is not predisposed to become
‘an abuser’.
However, some young men (and adult men) who have been
abused do go on to abuse others. This raises the question:
Does their victimisation contribute to their offending, and
if so, how? Several psychological mechanisms are suggested
in the literature:
• re-enactment of their own abuse;
• social learning and modelling (learnt from an abusive
environment);
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• attempts to achieve mastery over negative experiences
(that is a response to trauma – becoming the aggressor
to achieve a sense of control and power); and
• when sexual arousal is conditioned by fantasies of abuse
(Epps & Fisher, 2004).
Therefore, a history of sexual abuse may play a part in some
young people’s offending, but is not the sole or direct cause
of sexually abusive behaviour.
Do young people continue abusing as adults?
Some practitioners suggest that young people who sexually
abuse tend to ‘grow into it’ rather than ‘grow out of it’, and
point to the fact that, ‘looking back’, a high percentage
of adults who sexually offend began offending as young
people (for example Tidmarsh, 1997). This should not be
confused with ‘looking forward’; that is, this does not mean
that most young people who have sexually abused will go
on to abuse as adults.
Overall, the risk of young people sexually re-offending
as adults appears to be low (9% in one study), but repeat
offences as juveniles are more likely (25%) (Nisbet et al.,
2004). Signifcantly, the older the young man is when
initially assessed, the greater the chance he will re-offend.
Possibly because these young men have been offending
for a longer period before being stopped, they have a more
frmly established pattern of abuse – demonstrating the
importance of intervening early.
What are common reactions of family to the
discovery of the abusive behaviour?
“Families frequently react with shock, disbelief and
confusion followed by intense feelings of shame, anger,
guilt and depression… this is exacerbated when the victim
and the abuser are living within the same family” (Thomas
1991, p. 337 cited in Duane & Morrison, 2004, pp.105–106).
It may be necessary to take action to ensure the safety of
family members. Common steps could include removal of
the young person who has offended from home, informing
the police, and the involvement of child protection
authorities. Such action can initially heighten distress.
What about younger siblings?
Recent research suggests that sibling sexual abuse is
signifcantly more common than sexual abuse perpetrated
by a parent (Children’s Protection Society, 2003). Any
younger siblings, or siblings with a developmental delay
or intellectual disability, should be considered to be at risk
because of their heightened vulnerability. Sibling abuse
tends to be more intrusive and occurs over longer periods
of time (Hatch & Northam, 2005). In such situations, the
abusive young person is also readily able to ‘groom’ the
victim into compliance and prevent disclosures.
What kind of supervision and monitoring is needed?
Children who the sexually abusive young person has contact
with should be considered at risk regardless of whether they
are the identifed victim, whether or not their gender is the
same as the known victim(s), and whether they are related
to the young person. One of the most important changes
for the parents of a young person who has sexually abused
is the heightened need for supervision if they return home
(either to visit or to live). ‘Line of sight’ supervision around
younger children may be recommended. This is not only
practically demanding, it can also be emotionally diffcult
for parents to feel that they must constantly be suspicious
of their son or daughter.
Parents, the young person and counsellors may need to
discuss where the young person can go, who they will be
with, and assess any risk of re-offending. Senior school
staff may need to be informed if the young person poses
a potential risk. This is an extremely challenging process,
as there is a realistic fear that some people will reject the
young person if told of their behaviour. Counsellors or case
managers can often assist with negotiating these decisions
about who to tell and how.
Where will the young person live?
If the abuse is disclosed and the family comes into contact
with the service system, the service providers and child
protection authorities will need to assess the potential risk
posed by the young person to other members of the family,
particularly younger siblings. The young person may be
required to live away from home (Flanagan, 2003). However,
this may not occur, for example, the SafePlace program in
Western Australia does not automatically remove young
people who have abused, with 65% of clients remaining at
home during treatment (Grant et al., 2006).
Impact of removal from home
Professionals supporting the young person and the family
need to remain mindful of the emotional and social
diffculties associated with removal from home. Common
reactions include:
• feeling rejected;
• loss of emotional support;
• anger at ‘the system’; and
• blaming the victim for disclosing (the victim also
sometimes blames her/himself for distress caused by
disclosing the abuse).
One potential advantage of removal from home is that
the young person is protected from understandable but
psychologically harmful expressions of disgust and contempt
about their abusive behaviour (Grant et al., 2006). In some
circumstances where it is assessed that family dynamics
contribute to the development of the young person’s
sexually abusive behaviours, removal from this environment
can be therapeutically useful. If extended family (with no
young children) can provide accommodation and support,
the sense of isolation experienced by the young person can
be minimised, while also ensuring the safety of siblings.
Figure . Young men who have been sexually abused and have
sexually abused
Male victims of
child sexual abuse
Young men who
sexually abuse
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The lack of placement options is recognised as a serious
problem. Those for whom extended family support is
not available are often accommodated within the child
protection accommodation system, commonly in group
residential units (Grant et al., 2006). The residential unit
setting is often not an ideal environment, frequently placing
residents at risk of abuse from other residents, and exposing
them to violence and inappropriate and abusive sexual
behaviours (McLucas & Hutchins, 2005). Poor placement
can result in a high risk of the young person abusing other
children in care.
Some experts and workers in the feld suggest exploring
the (re) establishment of treatment focused residential
facilities for young people with abusive sexual behaviours.
Such units would be run along explicitly therapeutic lines
by well-supported and trained staff. Such facilities require
signifcant resources, and to date there is no clear evidence
that such treatment programs are more therapeutically
effective than community-based programs (Nisbet et al.,
2005). However, such facilities may be better suited to the
specifc supervision and management requirements for
these young people.
Sexual abuse cycle
The ‘sexual abuse cycle’ or ‘cycle of abuse’ (not to be
confused with the victim-to-offender cycle) is a commonly
used tool in therapy. It details the stages or phases that
precede and follow acts of sexual abuse (see Figure 2).
This model points to the planned and conscious nature of
sexual abuse, and the fact that sexual abuse does not ‘just
happen’. There are cognitive and/or emotional cues that can
be identifed and acted upon before the abuse is carried out.
Treatment should remain accountable to victims of
abuse
Any intervention with individuals who sexually abuse must
consider the impacts of the intervention on the victim
of the abuse, both specifcally and in general (ANZATSA,
2006). For most treatment providers, this means prioritising
the safety of others before and during the therapeutic work
with the person who has abused (Flanagan, 2003; Grant
et al., 2006). It extends to ensuring that key messages are
consistent, including: that the abuse was not the fault of
the victim, that the offender is fully responsible for the
abuse, and that the victim should not be made responsible
for monitoring the risk of the offender in future.
Multi-systemic treatment
A recent Australian review of treatment outcomes
commissioned by the New South Wales Department of
Community Services found that the best responses are multisystemic, rather than solely reliant on individual treatment
models (Nisbet et al., 2005). Families, schools, child
protection systems, juvenile justice systems and therapeutic
treatment providers need to work collaboratively for the
best outcomes. These authors also warn that treatments
ought not be unnecessarily intrusive or lengthy. Where
possible, the involvement of family in therapy is thought to
be an important factor for the effective treatment of young
people.
Systems issues: Police, schools and child protection
It is important that the various systems involved work
collaboratively with each other and with treatment
providers to ensure the most effective response. The roles
of police, child protection and school systems are briefly
discussed here.
Police
It is the role of the police to investigate allegations of sexual
abuse or sexual assault, and determine if a crime has been
committed. Police have different options available to them
in each state and territory, and most jurisdictions have
specialised investigation units for sexual offences.
Figure 2. Sexual abuse cycle
Self-hatred, fear or guilt
(pain returns)
10
Sexual offense
(pleasure, relief from
tension and emotional pain)
9
Cover-up to
self and others
(denial and secrecy)
Set the stage
(select and/or
groom the victim)
Convince myself that
I will get away with
the sexual offense,
break down barriers
Convince myself
it is OK to offend,
begin to plan
the offense
(groom myself)
Choose to dwell on
the deviant thoughts
and/or sexual feelings
8
7
6
5
3
2
1
11
Sexual thought
or desire for
sex and power HISTORY
CORE
BELIEFS
Push people away,
or attempt to regain
power & control
Try to avoid
the feelings
Difficult situation, Strong feelings
experience or memory
4
MASTURBAT
ION
,
THINKING ERRORS
MASTURBAT
ION
,
THINKING ERRORS
MASTURBAT
ION
,
THINKING ERRORS
MASTURBAT
ION
,
THINKING ERRORS
THINKING ERRORS
THINKING ERRORS
EXIT
EXIT
EXIT
EXIT
EXIT
EXIT
EXIT
EXIT
EXIT
EXIT
EXIT
Source: Way & Spieker, 1997. Permission to reproduce image provided by author.
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Child protection authorities
Child protection authorities may have a number of roles:
• assessment of the family to determine whether there are
children in the home who are at risk (this would include
a decision about the capacity of parents to adequately
supervise and ensure the safety of younger children);
• investigation to determine whether a young person’s
sexually abusive behaviours are indicative of a
problematic family environment (this is not always the
case, but warrants investigation);
• facilitation of alternative accommodation for the young
person; and
• securing treatment for the young person and family.
How can schools respond to students who are sexually
abusive?
Some state and territory education departments have
established processes for responding to sexual abuse by
students in schools, and these should be observed where
appropriate. If the behaviour has been discovered outside
of the school context, the school may need to be informed
in order to develop and implement a safety plan, to ensure
the student does not have the opportunity to target other
children in the school.
This is a complex issue, as effective treatment also depends
on the young person having the opportunity to engage
in age-appropriate social interaction. Some young people
will be able to abide by instructions to stay within limited
areas that are subject to constant supervision. Students who
are unable to abide by such instructions may require more
restrictive intervention. In some cases it may be that the
student who has perpetrated the abuse will need to move
to a different school to ensure the safety of the victim(s)
(whether this is physical or psychological safety).
Implications
Implications for child protection
• There is a need for clarity when responding to young
people who sexually abuse—in particular where there is
sibling sexual abuse. What kinds of behaviour should be
considered as abusive, and who should be responding,
need to be as consistent as possible.
• The question of where young people who sexually
abuse can live is crucial. The safety of younger and
vulnerable children needs to be the frst priority. For
those young people that move out of home, there is a
need for realistic placement options that will aid in the
recovery and treatment process – and at the very least
do no further harm to the young person or other young
people in care.
Implications for treatment
• Adolescence is a different developmental stage requiring
different approaches from adults. There is a need to
involve the families of young people.
• Multi-systemic responses that incorporate police,
juvenile justice, child protection, schools and treatment
programs hold the most promise for successful treatment
outcomes.
Implications for schools
• For teachers and other school staff, it is important (but
diffcult) to try and keep young people who sexually
abuse in school and to aid their recovery by reducing
social isolation. While the young person needs to have
opportunities to engage in healthy social interaction
with peers, the safety of others is paramount.
Implications for research
• Analysis of the role of gender and power in sexual abuse
could be further incorporated in to the treatment feld,
along with the traditional psychological approaches
that currently dominate.
• Nationally comparable data on the nature and extent
of the problem is needed to aid in research to better
understand this population of young people, and to
plan effective service responses.
What is the key message for all parents, teachers,
and community members?
Sexual abuse by young people is harmful and needs
active intervention if it is to stop quickly. The earlier
the intervention, the less chance there is of the sexually
abusive behaviour becoming an entrenched pattern and to
minimise the harm to other potential victims. Although it
can be initially distressing and disruptive for families, active
intervention is in the long-term interests of all concerned:
the victims and potential victims, family, and the young
person.
The two key points of initial contact are statutory child
protection authorities and police. Child protection
authorities are concerned with current risk of harm to
children. Police are concerned with investigating alleged
criminal acts. Anyone with concerns for a child’s safety
should report to the local child protection authority. If the
parents are not acting to protect the child, child protection
authorities may have grounds to intervene. Some
professions may legally be required to report their concerns
to child protection authorities – if you are unsure, check the
mandatory reporting guidelines for your state or territory
(Higgins, Bromfeld, & Richardson, 2005). Any suspected or
alleged criminal offences should be reported to the police.
Conclusion
In summary, this paper has shown:
• sexual abuse by young people is serious and harmful to
the victim;
• abusive behaviour is not part of ‘normal’ development;
• sexual abuse by young people calls for police and/or
child protection intervention;
• there is no ‘one size fts all’ approach to understanding
young people with sexually abusive behaviours;
• the safety of victims and potential victims of sexual
abuse must always be the frst consideration;
• young people who have committed acts of sexual
abuse are not necessarily destined to become adult ‘sex
offenders’;
• young people need treatment and intervention
programs that are appropriate to their age and stage of
development;
• further work is needed to incorporate a gendered analysis
into responses to sexual abuse by young people.
| A C S S A W R A P N O . 3 D E C E M B E R 2 0 0 6 |
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