https://doi.org/10.1177/0306624X211022652
International Journal of
Offender Therapy and
Comparative Criminology
1–22
© The Author(s) 2021
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/0306624X211022652
journals.sagepub.com/home/ijo
Article
The Experiences and
Perspectives of AfricanAustralian Community
Service Providers Who
Work with At-Risk and
Justice-Involved Youth
Stephane Shepherd1 , Aisling Bailey2,
and Godwin Masuka3
Abstract
African-Australian young people are over-represented in custody in the state of
Victoria. It has been recognized in recent government and stakeholder strategic
plans that African-Australian community service providers are well placed to help
address the increasing complex needs of at-risk African-Australian youth. However
little is known about the capacities of such providers to effectively contend with this
growing social concern. In response, this study aimed to explore the perspectives
and operational (service delivery and governance) experiences of African-Australian
community organizations which provide services to at-risk young people in Victoria.
Through a series of in-depth interviews with the leadership of eight key AfricanAustralian service providers, we aimed to identify their perceived strengths,
obstacles faced and proposed strategies to realize key objectives. Perspectives
on key risk factors for young African-Australian justice system contact were also
gathered. Several themes were extracted from the interviews, specifically (i) Risk
factors for African-Australian youth justice-involvement (school disengagement,
peer delinquency, family breakdown, intergenerational discord, perceived social
1Swinburne University of Technology & Victorian Institute of Forensic Mental Health, Alphington, VIC,
Australia
2Swinburne University of Technology, Hawthorn, VIC, Australia
3Victorian Public Service Officer & Community Advocate, Williams Landing, VIC, Australia
Corresponding Author:
Stephane Shepherd, Centre for Forensic Behavioural Science, Swinburne University of Technology
& Victorian Institute of Forensic Mental Health, 1/582 Heidelberg Road, Alphington, VIC, 3078,
Australia.
Email: [email protected]
1022652 IJOXXX10.1177/0306624X211022652International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative CriminologyShepherd et al.
research-article2021
2 International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 00(0)
rejection), (ii) The limitations of mainstream institutions to reduce AfricanAustralian youth justice-involvement (too compliance focused, inflexible, business
rather than human-centered, disconnected from communities and families), (iii) The
advantages of African-Australian community service providers when working with
African-Australian youth (community credibility, client trust, flexibility, culturally
responsive), (iv) The challenges faced by African-Australian service providers
(lack of funding/resources, professional staff shortages, infrastructural/governance
limitations), and (v) “What works” in service provision for at-risk AfricanAustralians (client involvement in program design, African staff representation,
extensive structured programming matched with client aspirations, prioritizing
relationship building, persistent outreach, mental health and legal literacy for clients
and families). Implications for service delivery and social policy are discussed within.
Keywords
African-Australians, youth offending, CALD offending, Sudanese Australians
Over the past 30years, Australia has received thousands of displaced African-born
individuals and families through humanitarian programs (Commonwealth of Australia,
2019; Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade, 2011).
Arriving from a number of countries including Ethiopia, Somalia, Eritrea, South
Sudan, Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo, many re-settled in the
South-Eastern State of Victoria and are now part of the region’s sprawling multi-cultural fabric (State of Victoria, 2011). The pre and post-migration challenges experienced by re-settled African-Australian populations are well documented. Fleeing civil
unrest, many endured significant life disruption, exposure to violence, loss of, or separation from family, and trauma (Copping & Shakespeare-Finch, 2013; Khawaja et al.,
2008; Schweitzer et al., 2006). Several social and economic challenges were also
faced post-arrival including acculturation stress, language barriers, financial hardship,
family breakdown, unstable housing, unemployment, educational disengagement, discrimination and intergenerational tension (Abdelkerim & Grace, 2012; Baak, 2018;
Coventry et al., 2015; Deng, 2017; Forson, 2019; Hebbani et al., 2012; Morris &
O’Shea, 2015; Poppitt & Frey, 2007; Shepherd et al., 2018).
While the vast majority of re-settled African-Australians have become valued and
contributing members of their communities, a small minority are over-involved in the
criminal justice system. In 2018, young people with African ancestry comprised
almost 20% of the youth custodial population in Victoria (State of Victoria, 2018a).
Moreover, individuals born in South Sudan have the highest rates of imprisonment in
Australia, outside of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders (Australian Bureau of
Statistics [ABS], 2014). Evidence indicates that rates of African-Australian imprisonment at both the adult and youth level have increased (ABS, 2017; see Centre for
Multicultural Youth [CMY], 2014; State of Victoria, 2018a). Over-representation has
been attributed to the pre and post-migration social and economic challenges articulated above (Armytage & Ogloff, 2017; Coventry et al., 2015; Forson, 2019; Shepherd
Shepherd et al. 3
et al., 2018). Moreover, elevated rates of perceived discrimination and racial profiling
have been reported by African-Australians, heightening feelings of social and economic exclusion (Benier et al., 2018; Forson, 2019; Markus, 2016; Weber, 2018).
Media coverage of African-Australian involvement in criminal activity contributed to
these anxieties for segments of the African-Australian population, in particular members of the South Sudanese community (Benier et al., 2018; Forson, 2019; HenriquesGomes, 2018). A highly publicized string of offenses by a small number of
predominantly South Sudanese young people in Victoria between 2016 and 2018,
spawned a local and national discourse that was often polemical and reactionary
(Watkins & Sood, 2017). Public commentary centered on the extent to which AfricanAustralians were involved in specific violent offenses, the value of further refugee
intake from Africa, or contrarily, the degree to which anti-African sentiment encouraged criminal profiling (see Majavu, 2020; Shepherd & Spivak, 2020). Less public
attention, it seemed, was afforded to identifying the distal and proximal factors underpinning justice-involvement for young African-Australians and exploring sustainable
strategies to offset these trajectories.
Recent efforts have been made in Victoria to bring together leaders and members of
the African-Australian community to help identify solutions to youth justice-involvement and other social and economic challenges facing re-settled African-Australians
(African Think Tank, 2019; Cohealth, 2018; Forson, 2019; State of Victoria, 2018b).
These events, projects and taskforces have offered several policy recommendations
including cultivating culturally informed early intervention and rehabilitation programs for young people and their families, strengthening family cohesion and community connectedness, improving relationships and interactions with law enforcement,
community capacity building, increasing economic opportunities and strengthening
pathways to employment (African Think Tank, 2019; Cohealth, 2018; Forson, 2019;
State of Victoria, 2018b).
Research with justice-involved African-Australians similarly underscores the need
to employ culturally responsive frameworks when re-integrating prisoners back into
their communities (Onsando et al., 2020; Shepherd et al., 2018). African-Australian
community service providers have been suggested as appropriate outlets to assist with
the development and delivery of these initiatives (Forson, 2019; Onsando et al., 2020;
Shepherd & Masuka, 2020). It has been recognized that such service providers are
well placed to address the immediate concerns of African-Australians given their
proximity to the community and intimate understanding of unique socio-cultural challenges. A number of African-Australian community service providers already provide
a range of services to justice-involved young people in Victoria. Yet despite recent
calls from African-Australian community leaders and government advisory groups, to
enable African-Australian organizations to address the increasing complex needs of
at-risk African-Australians, little is known about the capacities of these organizations
to effectively respond to these requests.
To address this gap in our knowledge, this study aims to explore and characterize
the operational experiences of African-Australian community organizations which
provide services to at-risk young people in Victoria. Organizations of this nature
4 International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 00(0)
generally service young people between 15 and 25 who migrated (or whose parents
migrated) from the Horn of Africa (i.e., Ethiopia, Somalia, Eritrea) or South Sudan.
Through a series of in-depth interviews with the leadership of key African-Australian
service providers who work with at-risk and justice-involved youth, we aim to identify, (i) the key challenges and obstacles faced by the organizations, (ii) the organizations’ unique strengths and advantages, and (iii) proposed strategies to realize key
objectives and safeguard organizational stability. The study will also gather perspectives on the principal antecedents to justice system contact for young AfricanAustralians. Findings will provide valuable information and insights for policy
decision makers and funding organizations on the capacities, capabilities and practices
of African-Australian community service providers, and an illustration of the common
pathways to offending for African-Australian young people.
Method
Sample
Ten African-Australian community service providers were identified by the study
authors as eligible to participate in the study. Eligibility required that the organization
was run by members of the African-Australian community and were delivering programs for at-risk and justice-involved African-Australian young people. All organizations were directly contacted twice by researchers over a 2-month period. Two service
providers did not respond to the initial nor follow-up study invitation.
Interview data were collected from an identified executive leader of eight AfricanAustralian community service providers in Melbourne, Victoria. All executive leaders
were African-born and several had refugee backgrounds. All had worked in the health,
justice or community sectors with young African-Australians for most of their careers.
Their organizations delivered a range of services beyond criminal justice programs
including employment pathways, drug and alcohol counseling, physical health needs
through sport and nutrition, mental health treatment, legal assistance, family violence
programs, youth leadership training, family re-connection and re-settlement services. All
organizations were servicing a predominantly African-Australian clientele. Two services
were tailored to South Sudanese-Australians. Six of the eight organizations had salaried
staff that numbered between five and eight personnel. All organizations had numerous
volunteers, the majority possessing ten or more. The years of operation ranged from 2 to
14years, with most organizations in operation for less than 6years. Operating annual
budgets ranged from $0 to $700,000, half of whom reported annual budgets of $200,000
and above. All organizations reported substantial in-kind contributions. Six of the eight
organizations had either an advisory board or a board of directors.
Materials
Participants undertook a semi-structured interview (see appendix) which featured nine
questions pertaining to perceived challenges and obstacles faced by service providers,
Shepherd et al. 5
strengths and areas for improvement, and supports required to deliver services effectively. Questions also sought the perspectives of participants on the risk factors for
African-Australian involvement in the youth justice system and the capacity of the
system to work effectively with African-Australian young people. Additional demographic information (i.e., number of staff, years of operation) was also requested.
Procedure
Study authors 1 and 3 work extensively across the multicultural and youth justice
sectors and had established a list of potential service providers through their combined networks. The CEOs or senior executives of ten organizations were initially
contacted via email where they were introduced to the study and provided with a
participant information sheet. If the CEO demonstrated an interest in participating,
a subsequent meeting time was then established to conduct a private semi-structured
interview with a researcher. Six interviews were conducted in private rooms at the
respective organizations’ premises. Two interviews were conducted over the phone.
Participants viewed (or were read, in the case of phone interviews) a consent form
and given an opportunity to ask questions about the study. Written or verbal consent
was obtained before interviews proceeded. Interview times ranged from 45 to
60 minutes. Ethical approval was obtained from Swinburne University Human
Research Ethics Committee (#20192631-3187).
Data Analysis
Written interview transcripts of participant responses were thematically coded by
study author 2. An exploratory qualitative approach to analyzing the data was thought
to be the most appropriate in order to address the data openly, and to limit potential
bias of pre-determined themes (Liamputtong & Ezzy, 2007). A thematic analysis was
applied to identify aspects of the data raised as important by the participants themselves, without an emphasis on frequency of their appearance, but rather on their content (Liamputtong & Ezzy, 2007). Thematic analysis took place through the process of
open coding where patterns of emergent themes were listed. This process was followed by axial coding to identify relationships between the themes identified in the
open coding process (Strauss & Corbin, 1990).
Results
Participants identified several social issues and practices across the community that
were adversely impacting African-Australian youth. They articulated the strengths
of African-Australian community service providers and identified concerns with
mainstream service provider approaches to working with African-Australian youth.
Suggestions for addressing the needs of African-Australian youth in the service provision sector and across the community in general were presented. The following
themes were identified.
6 International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 00(0)
Key Social-Cultural and Community Factors Prompting JusticeInvolvement
Education/employment experiences. Participants noted that education and employment
experiences contributed to justice-involvement. Young justice-involved African-Australians often did not complete school nor possessed sufficient skills for effective job
searching; “It’s impossible to job-search with such limited skills.” Many young justice-involved African-Australians were “Not in Employment, Education or Training”
(NEET). Respondents perceived a connection between NEET and delinquency;
“Many kids are early school leavers and NEET. (This) leads to delinquent peers,
addiction and then offending.” Insufficient school support for African-Australian
youth was also noted; “School engagement programs are not tailored to African kids,
not enough support in the school environment.” A “lack of mentoring” and “role modeling” was also believed to contribute to school disengagement. Additionally, it was
observed that some parents were disengaged from their children’s education. A participant noted; “sometimes parents think their children are going to school when they
are not, but parents don’t know this. Some parents also fear to engage with the schools,
some people don’t speak English.”
Family experiences. Family experiences (in particular family breakdown), were universally recognized as a factor for justice-involvement. Neglect within the family setting
because of large families and single parents (“single parents with 6–7 kids is common”) was considered a significant issue. Family breakdown was partly attributed to
cultural expectations pertaining to gender roles; “Marriages break up because of
female empowerment after re-settlement.” Moreover, it was perceived by some
respondents that “boys get more latitude culturally” which can lead to delinquency
when (single) parents are unable to monitor their activities. Further, “misunderstandings between parents and children” and “no trust between parents and children” was
frequently noted. It was also perceived that many young justice-involved AfricanAustralians had “parents on welfare” and that many were without access to adequate
financial supports. Other justice-involved young people had experienced family violence and/or been involved with child protection services.
Community experiences. Participants described a number of adverse community experiences contributing to contact with the justice system. A lack of community acceptance was considered to be a concern which in turn induced feelings of not belonging.
It was perceived that coming together in groups (or “gangs”) was often a response to
social rejection from the wider community. This often led to disengagement from positive activities; “The kids don’t feel accepted. Not engaged in any pro-social activities
such as school, activities and sport . . . They don’t feel that they belong. Sudanese
‘gangs’ walk together as a protective approach so when one gets into an altercation
they all jump in.” It was also believed that peer delinquency (“wrong company”) was
problematic and led to offending. Dissociating with offending peers was viewed as a
necessary step in desisting from offending.
Shepherd et al. 7
Additionally, concerns of differential treatment by the criminal justice system
were illustrated; “Kids are aware that they are treated differently in the criminal
justice system . . . there is no consistency in treatment. . .Sudanese kids get targeted
by police.” This perception extended to specific police interactions with family
“they (police) are too quick to separate youth from parents and don’t speak to parents if kids are over 18” and when processing young people; “Young people are also
forced to accept they are guilty.”
Concerns with Mainstream Service Providers’ Current Practices
Bureaucratic and compliance focused. Participants registered concerns about the
“compliance-based” model of service provision which they perceived mainstream services to utilize; “mainstream services are too compliance based . . . if kids don’t attend
appointments then their welfare is discontinued . . . the compliance-based services are
not working, they are penalties focused.” This approach was believed to neglect young
people who need support and generate feelings of discrimination. Participants also felt
that mainstream services do not exhibit a genuine dedicated commitment to serving
African-Australian clients. A rationale for this perception was that the challenges of
African-Australian youth “do not affect [mainstream organizations] personally; it’s
not their community, it’s not ‘close to home’, they aren’t required to reach out to African communities and to co-design, there is no incentive.” This perception extended to
cultivating partnerships with African communities; “There is lack of genuine partnerships in the design and provision of services. Most programs are ‘exploitative’ to our
communities. For example, when mainstream services consult our communities, they
sometimes never come back to ask to form partnerships to deliver services.” Moreover, participants raised concerns that mainstream service providers are too disconnected from client communities; “They are too distant from the community. . .not
accessible.” There was agreement that mainstream programs are often designed without individuals from African communities and youth.
Transactional instead of relational. A cynicism of the intentions of mainstream service providers was evident in the responses; “Mainstream relationships (where they
exist) are contract based and transactional.” There was a concern that mainstream
organizations prioritize their own outputs and business performance indicators over
client needs; “mainstream services do not solve problems, they service the problem. . . focused on output not outcome . . . they are more interested in the paperwork than the person.” Another participant alluded to the commodification of youth
problems; “The mainstream service model turns helping youth into a commercial
product.” This perceived focus was believed to obscure service impact; “The mainstream services don’t have proper outcome measures attached to their funding—we
don’t know if what they do works—did they change anyone’s lives?.” Some participants attributed these outcomes to a perceived lack of adequate monitoring and
evaluation frameworks (especially by government) for programs funded through
mainstream services.
8 International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 00(0)
Culturally unresponsive. Participants also noted that African-Australian young people often left mainstream service providers and sought smaller community organizations for assistance; “The clients run away from mainstream organizations and
come to us.” This was believed to occur for several reasons notably that AfricanAustralian youth, were “not received well by services,” were “not understood,”
were “having to wait too long,” did not “trust” mainstream providers, and that
“staff are treating them from a position of fear from the start.” Participants noted
that mainstream services “can’t relate to what African-Australian youth are going
through” and did not understand well or appreciate the extent to which AfricanAustralian youth feel marginalized. Additionally, some young people have “underlying anger stemming from racist interactions—they hold on to this for a long
time.” Due to a combination of these challenges, respondents deemed that “mainstream services will give up on a youth very early.”
Inflexible. To alleviate some of the above concerns, participants believed that mainstream services should be drawing on the expertise of culturally and linguistically
diverse staff more often. Moreover, mainstream providers needed to address their perceived lack of service adaptability; “mainstream services are inflexible—most programs run from 9.00 am to 5 pm and very few of these programs run in the evenings
or over the weekend when they are required by young people.”
The lack of family involvement was also noted; “families are being kept out of the
picture. . .they don’t know what is happening as they are not told. . .this is not helping
young people.” It was recommended that service providers and government agencies
need to work closely with the families of at-risk and justice-involved young people.
The Utility of African-Australian Community Service Providers
Community credibility. Several valuable features of African-led community organizations were articulated by participants. Most notably, their organizations were believed
to possess credibility among their target populations and were trusted outlets within
the community. A participant remarked “we have the trust of the people.” Another
noted, “the community supports our organization.” This afforded stronger relationships with clientele; “our clients open up” and a capacity to provide proactive, handson assistance; “people don’t know where to start—we give them direction and resolve
community problems.”
Relationship-building. All participants indicated that the connection established with the
community was the culmination of ongoing efforts to develop rapport with clientele,
and flexible service models; “we work hard on building trust and respect from our
service users,” and “our service doesn’t put obligations on the kids, we go where they
go, we give them time, we build trust with the kids which is very important.” Flexibility was believed to afford organizations the ability to respond quickly to pressing
concerns; “from ideation to implementation—we are very agile. We are very responsive to issues. We have a framework that allows us to make decisions quickly.”
Shepherd et al. 9
Participants noted that programs were developed in partnership with communities;
“We have grassroots participation in the design and delivery of our programs for both
young people and women and sometimes men.”
Proximity to service users. Participants also emphasized the close proximity of their
services to their clients; “The community is our backyard. We know the kids, their
families and their parents—it’s personalized.” This involved intensive outreach to
maintain proximity; “We know our clients families, we will call mothers about their
sons and have a chat. We take our service to where the young people are, not anticipating the young person to come to us. We work 7 days a week and take phone calls at
12am.” All participants underscored how their own personal and cultural experiences
allowed them to empathize with, and better understand the unique challenges endured
by their clients; “We understand the background and context and we have lived experience. We have been in refugee camps, we know what it’s like to live in housing commissions and not having any resources, not having lunch and dinner, not having a car.”
Another participant noted, “I know how it feels to be poor, not having anything, being
subjected to racism—you can’t get that from a qualification. The kids have a sense of
appreciation because we have these experiences.” Moreover there were several references to possessing “cultural knowledge” and not requiring translators due to bi-lingual staff within the organization.
Challenges Faced by African-Australian Community Service Providers
Resources. Participants discussed a number of immediate challenges that confronted
their organizations. A lack of financial support was frequently noted. There was a
perceived need for greater resources to adequately carry out their services; “Lack of
funding as we are a small organization”; “Not enough funding to have dedicated staff”;
“We need more resources to pay our staff and get people connecting with others.” Difficulties obtaining funding were attributed to a perceived government disinclination to
fund African-Australian community organizations; “The funding keeps going to mainstream organizations but this is not what the community needs. . . there is a mistrust
in funding African service delivery organizations—some of this comes from African
organizations not able to write regular reports, documenting what they are doing and
evaluating their services (which is hard with limited personnel).” Another participant
remarked that “government agencies are not willing to fund us . . . there is less appetite to put resources in African organizations—this has been catastrophic.” For some
participants this was partly due to not possessing the relevant networks. “Some applications and funding are not based on merit/ideas but relationships with state or federal
agencies. As a young organization, we don’t have enough relationships, we don’t
know how to lobby.” Another participant expressed difficulty “communicating to
policy makers to provide us with resources, demonstrating to them the benefits of our
organizations, getting them to appreciate the work we do and to appreciate how much
work we do where the government doesn’t help.” The lack of personnel available to
write competitive grant applications was also mentioned “We need more people who
10 International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 00(0)
can write funding submissions.” Further, it was observed that when funding is earmarked for African services, “there is too much money spent on community groups
which run cultural celebrations and musical events and not enough money for genuine
service provision.”
Facilities. Participants highlighted infrastructural limitations. Most commented that
their facilities were insufficient and were unable to meet the increasing needs of
their clients; “We need better access to facilities”; “We need accessible and environmentally friendly spaces in suitable areas.” Some participants advocated for dedicated community spaces/hubs; “Hubs are needed to organize events, we need a set/
central location.” One participant remarked that “schools and councils need to offer
us permanent venues for sport and homework clubs.” These infrastructural limitations precluded services from expanding operations geographically; “We would like
more branch offices elsewhere, we can’t reach beyond our region.” There was also a
perceived need for varied forms of transportation (i.e., company car/minibus) to take
clients to activities.
Staffing. Most participants underscored the need for more organizational staff. “We
can’t meet all the demands, we are over-subscribed.” It was noted that staff positions
are often unpaid; “We rely so much on volunteers—once they find a paid role they
leave us.” Despite this, the need for more volunteering was acknowledged given funding shortages; “We need more volunteers, we need more pro-bono support.” Individuals from diverse professional backgrounds were sought after; “We need more people
who have got different skill sets for example advocacy, marketing, planning, accounting, family strengthening, youth specialists, qualified psychologists, website developers, and university researchers to evaluate our systems.” Some participants suggested
that personnel could be recruited and trained through university courses; “Placement
of tertiary students—if there’s a placement of students for example in our organization
this will provide a cultural perspective to social worker students for them to understand our culture and our community before they graduate.” Additionally, several participants felt that their organizations needed to improve their technological aptitude
and capabilities. Key reasons were to connect with clientele through different avenues
and to “promote positive stories [from our organization] on social media.”
Governance. Last, some participants recognized that governance structures and leadership capability in their organizations needed to be improved; “We don’t have an advisory body. At the moment, I’ve got an executive team (a voluntary team), but I feel
there is a gap and this needs to be addressed to take the organization forward.”
Service Provision for African-Australian Young People—“What Works?”
Community-designed programming. Participants described how service providers can
help young African-Australians desist from offending. A number of themes were
identified. A key recommendation was to engage the African-Australian community
Shepherd et al. 11
in multiple ways. This included the need for grassroots involvement in decisionmaking and program development; “Programs need to be designed with individuals
from African communities and youth. The end product needs to come from the African perspective.”
Culturally and linguistically diverse staff. African representation among staff in mainstream services and government was also viewed as important. We “need more culturally and linguistically diverse staff—they want to make a change and contribution to
their community, they care and value the kids—their way of working should be
adapted by the organization.” Moreover, having African staff was perceived to improve
an understanding of African culture and reduce communication challenges; “NonAfrican staff may not give them (young people) the opportunity to discuss the root of
the problem. Young people will not disclose to non-Africans because they think the
system is biased against them. But an African staff member can get around this. They
are freer to tell me because I look like one of them.” One respondent identified the
need for young people to have available professional African-Australian role models.
These suggestions were illustrative of “culturally and linguistically responsive service
provision” required across the justice continuum.
Structured empowering interventions. Participants advised on key aspects of programing. The need for prevention, early intervention and post-release assistance was
emphasized; “There is a need for early intervention” and “diversionary programs.”
Additionally, “we need to reach out to more young people in prison to prepare them
for re-entry into the community.” Structured, practical activities were recommended;
“There is a need for organized activities for young people diverted from justice system.” Desirable activities were those that were extensive; “too many 6-8 week programs—get nothing out of it,” and aspirational “mainstream services are too short-term,
they don’t develop the kids future, there is no vision and plan.” Two respondents suggested more empowering and entrepreneurial vocational programs. This included an
improved focus on “labor market matching” which initially identifies the interests and
capabilities of young people before they are aligned with training and skills development schemes. This was viewed as necessary to ensure young people are invested and
“to retain young people’s attention over time.”
Mentoring and pro-social relationships. A key consideration identified by all participants
was the development of trust with young people. Investing time in building relationships was viewed as an important component of service delivery; “Recognition that
developing trust and giving these young people time is beneficial.” It was acknowledged that this can take time and that relentless outreach is required; “these young
people need to be followed up no matter what.” Several participants recommended
24-hour service provision; “We need 24-hour services as kids offend during the night.”
Others suggested alternative forms of outreach; “They need to reach out to the young
people through the right channels for example, Snapchat, Facebook, Youtube etc” and
in “places where young people socialize.” It was also observed by one participant that,
12 International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 00(0)
“reaching out to young people through African community leaders usually does not
work,” noting that peer-led outreaches work better.
Engaging families. An understanding that young African-Australian people may
have damaged relationships with society (including their ethnic community) was
also noted; “Their community has rejected them, services don’t understand that.”
As such building self-esteem and connections (through sports and mentoring) was
critical in addressing emotional issues. Participants underlined the importance of
engaging and educating parents when assisting young people; “Benefits are possible if service delivery staff can engage with parents of these young people.” This
included developing relationships between parents and key institutions (schools,
justice agencies). Several participants urged targeting mothers with specific services (i.e., skills development, relationship repair with children).
Mental health. Mental health and legal literacy (including child protection laws) were
frequency mentioned; (There is a) “Lack of understanding how the justice system
works”; “We need to educate parents in mental health and Australian law to empower
them.” Additionally, participants recognized a perceived benefit in having access to
both legal aid and psychological services for justice-involved African-Australians;
“There needs to be better mental health assessment. . .qualified psychologists to counsel offenders”; “At-risk CALD youth don’t have links with community & mental
health support networks.” Local community resource hubs for families were recommended as potential spaces to provide culturally responsive services and address the
needs of the African-Australian community (i.e., information sharing, legal assistance,
counseling, family violence services).
Last, two justice-based approaches that could help African-Australian youth were
noted. Some participants suggested the wider employment of restorative justice
schemes. Others advocated for the expunging of criminal records for particular clients;
“criminal record prevents employment.”
Discussion
A series of interviews were conducted with African-Australian led community service
providers who work with at-risk African-Australian youth in Victoria. The organizations’ perspectives on, and capacities to address, the over-representation of AfricanAustralian young people in the justice system were explored. Several themes were
extracted from the responses, specifically (i) Risk factors for African-Australian youth
justice-involvement, (ii) The limitations of mainstream institutions to reduce AfricanAustralian youth justice-involvement, (iii) The advantages of African-Australian community service providers when working with African-Australian youth, (iv) The
challenges faced by African-Australian service providers, and (v) “What works” in
service provision for at-risk African-Australians.
Key risk factors for justice-involvement included school disengagement, unemployment, family breakdown and peer delinquency. These factors are universally
Shepherd et al. 13
correlated with justice system contact (Borum, 2000; Farrington & Loeber, 2000;
Shepherd et al., 2014), and were also particularly salient in a previous sample of
African-Australian youth in custody (Shepherd et al., 2018). The incapacity of the
education system to accommodate the unique learning needs (i.e., disrupted education
pathways and English language challenges) of some African young people from refugee backgrounds has been documented (Forson, 2019; Sellars & Murphy, 2017;
Victorian Equal Opportunity & Human Rights Commission, 2008; Yak, 2016).
Moreover, African-Australian young people have reported experiences of differential
treatment due to their cultural background in educational settings (Baak, 2018; Hatoss
et al., 2012). NEET (Not in education, employment or training) status can also be
linked to family strain (Hancock & Zubrick, 2015; Shepherd et al., 2018), which was
emphasized by respondents.
Re-settlement conferred numerous challenges on many African families including
parental separation, culture shock, financial difficulties and inter-generational tension
(CMY, 2019a; Deng, 2017). Family members or caregivers enduring their own integration stressors may not have the capacity to monitor and support younger schoolaged family members, some of whom lacked school readiness. An increasing body of
literature illustrates the discord between African-Australian parents who endorse traditional culture-based forms of parenting and younger African-Australians who are
more likely to possess mainstream Australian values (Deng, 2017; Hebbani et al.,
2009; Milner & Khawaja, 2010). The different cultural expectations within the household can lead to familial destabilization (Armytage & Ogloff, 2017; Renzaho et al.,
2017), and an inability to effectively discipline younger family members who may be
vulnerable to negative influences (Coventry et al., 2015; Shepherd et al., 2018).
Research with South Sudanese communities has shown that within single parents
(female-headed households), traditional patriarchal social structures may reduce a
mother’s authority and control over their male children (Abur, 2018; Deng, 2017).
Prior research outlines the pathways from school and family disengagement to
associating with similarly situated disaffected peers and ensuing delinquency
(Shepherd & Ilalio, 2016; Shepherd et al., 2018). Study participants noted that “gangs”
or negative peer groups were often formed as protective mechanisms for those who
felt that they did not belong or were socially rejected. It was also acknowledged that
membership of such groups was a key antecedent of criminal activity. In a study
exploring the perceptions of African-Australian young people in custody in Victoria,
the peer group was believed to be influential in the young person’s decision to offend
(Shepherd et al., 2018).
Another factor prompting justice-involvement according to African-Australian
organization leaders, is the conflictual dynamics between African-Australian young
people and law enforcement. Younger members of the African-Australian community
have reported frequent episodes of racial profiling in community surveys (Benier
et al., 2018; Dolic, 2011; Smith & Reside, 2010; Victorian Equal Opportunity &
Human Rights Commission, 2008). In 2012, six African-Australians launched a federal court case against Victoria police over allegations of racial profiling, which they
believed breached the racial discrimination act (Haile-Michael v Konstantinidis,
14 International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 00(0)
2012). The perception of differential treatment by law enforcement appears to be
widely held among young African-Australians and potentially contributes to adversarial encounters; however, the extent to which this results in over-incarceration is
unknown. A recent analysis demonstrated that South-Sudanese young people are overinvolved in select serious offenses (i.e., crimes against the person) compared to
offenses that are more subject to police discretion (Shepherd & Spivak, 2020).
Another key theme extracted from interview data was the limitations of mainstream
organizations when working with at-risk African-Australian young people. Participants
outlined four perceived drawbacks which were believed to inhibit rehabilitation and
led to client attrition. These included (i) a compliance model which was quick to
penalize young people for minor transgressions such as missing appointments, (ii) a
lack of personal commitment/passion to working with African-Australian populations
which can damage rapport and relatability, (iii) a disconnection from the AfricanAustralian community which compromises culturally relevant program design and
community trust, and (iv) a business-centered approach which prioritizes finances
and KPI’s over building relationships and improving lives. The extent to which these
observations reflect all mainstream organizations is unknown. Prior Australian
research has noted the difficulties mainstream services often have in engendering trust
among particular minority communities (CMY, 2019a; Colucci, Minas, et al., 2014;
Francis & Cornfoot, 2007; Renzaho, 2008; Vaughan et al., 2018). Their formal nature
(tight scheduling, paperwork, inflexibility), fragmented delivery style (different
outlets for different problems), and indirect/arbitrary relationships with community
leaders and communities, have been cited as reasons for poor engagement (Colucci,
Szwarc, et al., 2014; Posselt et al., 2017; Saunders et al., 2016; Shepherd & Masuka,
2020; Vaughan et al., 2018). Moreover, the underutilization of formal mental health
services by CALD-Australians is well-documented (Minas et al., 2013). These concerns are often heightened for justice-involved CALD youth who typically mistrust
mainstream institutions of authority and are hyper-sensitive to social rejection and
perceived discrimination. As such, the adoption of a culturally responsive service
delivery model is frequently endorsed (CMY, 2019a, 2019b; Forson, 2019; Francis &
Cornfoot, 2007; Minnican & O’Toole, 2020; Onsando et al., 2020; Shepherd &
Masuka, 2020). This encompasses the involvement of informed community representatives (including young people) in program design and delivery, which may help
organizations navigate and address culturally unique (i.e., stigmas, experiences of racism) and esoteric family, community and sectarian phenomena that may be impacting
on attitudes, decision-making and help-seeking behaviors.
Prioritizing engagement, relationship building and a commitment to rapport
development with CALD clientele (before navigating personal/shameful behaviors
or trying to immediately problem-solve) has also been suggested in prior work
(CMY, 2019b; Drake et al., 2014). Furthermore, Shepherd and Masuka (2020) outline how mainstream and culture-based community organizations can collectively
combine their relative strengths by working in partnership to address social issues
in CALD communities.
Shepherd et al. 15
The ostensible value of African-Australian service providers was conveyed by
study respondents. The close proximity to communities and credibility and trust established, appears to be advantageous. Prior research has identified the benefits of sameculture, informal service provision for CALD clients which can engender familiarity,
flexibility and features relatable staff who possess understandings of unique intersectional issues (Armytage & Ogloff, 2017; Posselt et al., 2017; Ravulo, 2016; Saunders
et al., 2016; Shepherd & Ilalio, 2016; Tamatea & Brown, 2011; Vaughan et al., 2018;
Vergara et al., 2016). The importance of rapport development and trust with CALD
clients has frequently been cited (CMY, 2019b; Colucci, Minas, et al., 2014; Francis &
Cornfoot, 2007; Saunders et al., 2016; Shepherd & Masuka, 2020; Vaughan et al.,
2018). Culture-based community organizations are often appealing for this reason, as
some clients may be mistrustful of mainstream services, perceive them to be discriminatory and/or neglectful of their personal issues, or have had negative experiences
with them. As such, the informal and accepting environment of culture-based community services allows for some, a non-judgmental space conducive to relationship
building and organic self-improvement. Many of the above features resemble the
Ubuntu framework of support, a culturally responsive set of practices designed for
justice-involved African-Australians (Onsando et al., 2020). Recent government strategies and programs have recognized the utility of engaging African-Australian service
providers in whole-of-community efforts to address justice-involvement (Forson,
2019; State of Victoria, 2018b; Victorian Government, 2020).
Several respondents noted that their organizations had sporting programs as part of
their suite of services. Sports programs have the potential to empower and support
disenfranchised, disengaged and marginalized young people (Peachey et al., 2013).
They also enable young people to enhance self-esteem, build connections/networks
and a sense of belonging (Peachey et al., 2013). Additionally, sport can be an effective
“hook” to draw young people into critical non-sport related programs (e.g., drug and
alcohol, vocational training, mental health counseling, Hartmann, 2003).
Despite the strengths of African-Australian service providers, some young people/
clients may prefer to see staff from a different cultural background to their own, or
seek services from mainstream providers (CMY, 2019a; Simon-Kumar, 2019). This
may arise out of concerns that their own community may discover their involvement
in the justice system or utilization of legal, mental health, family violence or health
services (Shepherd & Masuka, 2020), the discovery of which may bring shame to the
family. For example, there are cultural stigmas associated with mental illness in many
culturally and linguistically diverse communities, rendering help-seeking behaviors
taboo. In some cases, family or community issues may be the reason why the young
person or client is seeking external assistance.
According to study participants, the ability of African-Australian service providers
to realize their objectives was somewhat comprised by a number of challenges. Key
amongst them is a dearth of funding, which has operational ramifications within
organizations (i.e., paying staff, renting/hiring facilities, program resources). Limited
finances impede service provider expansion and induce a heavy reliance on in-kind/
volunteer contributions, which can engender organizational uncertainty, high
16 International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 00(0)
personnel turnover, and difficulties “professionalizing” the service. The operational
shortcomings from having small/precarious budgets often preclude service providers
from obtaining competitive funding to increase their budgets. In addition, improving
governance structures and accountability measures may be required for some AfricanAustralian community service providers to increase confidence from funders. Shepherd
and Masuka (2020) outline ways in which culture-based community organizations can
inject professional diversity into their services and/or strategically partner with mainstream organizations to gain access to essential infrastructure and alleviate immediate
financial concerns. Efforts can then be focused on African-Australian service provider
strengths (i.e., relationship building, persistent outreach, cultural responsiveness)
without large amounts of energy dispensed on the immediate survival of the organization. Cross-agency collaborations of course, come with their own challenges—prior
research has articulated the difficulties of preserving independent decision-making in
partnerships, and the extent to which CALD-specific programming can function effectively within a larger (and possibly conflicting) mainstream-oriented framework
(Shepherd & Masuka, 2020; Vaughan et al., 2018). Further work should explore both
innovative and existing strategies and models that enable culture-based community
organizations to develop longer-term viability.
A recent paper identified the absence of a “what works” literature for culturally
and linguistically diverse Australians who are justice-involved (Shepherd & Masuka,
2020). Participants in this study offered a range of program ideas for AfricanAustralians based on their collective expertise. First, programs need be co-designed
with the target population to ensure their relevance and improve participant adherence. Community input has long been acknowledged as a key part of program development for youth and culturally diverse populations. Second, developing trust and
rapport among clientele is prioritized. Hiring staff of African descent to enhance
relatability, regularly engaging in outreach activities, and ensuring services are more
flexible (i.e., accessible opening hours) can assist with the appeal and cultural
responsivity of the service. Third, interventions need to be structured, long-term and
with a focus on personal and skill development aligned with the young person’s
interests and aspirations. Fourth, families should be informed about, and included in,
programming where feasible. Programs can educate families on subjects including,
(i) the expectations of parents when guiding their children through school, (ii) mental health literacy and help-seeking behaviors, (iii) intergenerational relationship
building, and (iv) navigating law enforcement and the criminal justice system.
Moreover, families must be informed so they can better support young people to
comply with their Justice Orders, and those involved with Children’s Court Youth
Diversion Services.1 Family involvement however, must be balanced with protecting the rights and interests of the young person.
The study has a number of minor limitations. The views of participants may not
be entirely representative of the African-Australian community. Moreover, two
African-Australian service providers did not participate in the study. Nonetheless,
eight out of a possible ten relevant service providers in Victoria participated in the
study signaling a high participation rate and ensuring an adequate coverage of views.
Shepherd et al. 17
Most participants were well-known respected community leaders and had worked
for many years (some, decades) in various government and not-for-profit roles in the
community. Additionally, the study did not source perspectives from users of these
services which may have provided useful collateral or identified further challenges.
Second, the recommendations proffered, while intuitively reasonable and based on
years of first-hand experience, will require some level of evaluation to meet evidence-based standards. Even so, the community-informed responses in this research
are incredibly valuable and warrant the attention of policy makers. Future projects
should adopt and evaluate the ideas presented in this study. Service providers should
also endeavor to subject their suite of programs to rigorous external evaluation
where possible. Third, participants in this study raised concerns regarding perceived
“compliance-based” programming and service delivery practices by mainstream services. The study did not include participants from mainstream services and so the
extent to which these observations reflect all mainstream organizations is unknown.
This notion could be explored in future research.
Conclusion
This study explored the perspectives of African-Australian service providers who
work with at-risk and justice-involved youth. The leaders of the service providers
were asked to designate both organizational strengths and challenges. Their insights
on pathways to offending for African-Australian youth and useful interventions
strategies were also surveyed. Several themes were extracted from participant
responses. These included the identification of salient risk factors for AfricanAustralian youth justice-involvement; the limitations of mainstream institutions
when working with African-Australian justice-involved youth; the unique advantages and shortcomings of African-Australian service providers; and the development of a “what works” community-informed literature to address African-Australian
youth justice involvement.
Appendix
Semi-Structured Interview Questions
Name and Organization?
Date of interview?
How many years has your organization been running?
What services do you currently offer?
How many staff do you have?
Does your organization have an advisory board/board of directors?
Operating budget?
Which communities do you serve?
What works in the existing (mainstream) service delivery system for helping at-risk
African youth?
18 International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 00(0)
What could work and is needed, but is not part of the current service delivery model?
What are some of the strengths of your organization? (i.e., things your organization
does well)
Can you identify any areas in your organization that need improvement? What is
required/what do you need to happen to make these improvements?
What are the main challenges your organization has faced? How do you overcome
these challenges?
What are the main obstacles that inhibit your organization from delivering services
successfully?
What type of support would your organization benefit from (or need) in order to
achieve its goals?
What are the main issues faced by African-Australian young people who are justice
involved?
What are the main barriers to service access for justice-involved African-Australian
young people?
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship,
and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of
this article.
ORCID iD
Stephane Shepherd https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3078-9407
Note
1. https://www.sentencingcouncil.vic.gov.au/about-sentencing/sentence-types-for-childrenand-young-people
References
Abdelkerim, A. A., & Grace, M. (2012). Challenges to employment in newly emerging African
communities in Australia: A review of the literature. Australian Social Work, 65(1), 104–
119. https://doi.org/10.1080/0312407X.2011.616958
Abur, D. W. (2018). Settlement strategies for the South Sudanese community in Melbourne:
An analysis of employment and sport participation [Thesis submitted in fulfilment of
the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy]. College of Art and Education,
Victoria University.
African Think Tank. (2019, November 12–13). African Australians settlement and integration
2030 [Conference session]. Opportunities and Challenges Conference 2018, Melbourne,
Australia.
Armytage, P., & Ogloff, J. (2017). Youth justice review and strategy meeting needs and reducing offending (part 1–3). Department of Justice and Regulation. https://www.justice.vic.
Shepherd et al. 19
gov.au/justice-system/youth-justice/youth-justice-review-and-strategy-meeting-needsand-reducing-offending
Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2014). 4517.0 – Prisoners in Australia, 2014. http://www.
abs.gov.au/ausstats/[email protected]/Lookup/by%20Subject/4517.0_2014_Main%20Features_
Country%20of%20birth_7
Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2017). Prisoners in Australia, 2017. http://www.abs.gov.au/
ausstats/[email protected]/Lookup/by%20Subject/4517.0~2017~Main%20Features~Country%20
of%20birth~9
Baak, M. (2018). Racism and othering for south Sudanese heritage students in Australian
schools: Is inclusion possible? International Journal of Inclusive Education, 23(2), 125–
141. https://doi.org/10.1080/13603116.2018.1426052
Benier, K., Blaustein, J., Johns, D., & Maher, S. (2018). ‘Don’t drag me into this’: Growing
up South Sudanese in Victoria after the 2016 Moomba ‘riot’ (Full report). Centre for
Multicultural Youth.
Borum, R. (2000). Assessing violence risk among youth. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 56(10),
1263–1288. https://doi.org/10.1002/1097-4679(200010)56:10<1263::aid-jclp3>3.0.co;2-d
Centre for Multicultural Youth. (2014). Fair and accurate? Migrant and refugee young people,
crime and the media. Centre for Multicultural Youth.
Centre for Multicultural Youth. (2019a). Improving the mental health and wellbeing of young
people from migrant and refugee backgrounds. Centre for Multicultural Youth & Orygen.
Centre for Multicultural Youth. (2019b). Designing mental health services for young people
from migrant and refugee backgrounds. Centre for Multicultural Youth & Orygen.
Cohealth. (2018). Improving outcomes with South Sudanese Australians: A co-design project
to build on community strengths and initiate new solutions. https://www.cohealth.org.au/
wp-content/uploads/2018/11/Improving-Outcomes-with-South-Sudanese-Australians.pdf
Colucci, E., Minas, H., Szwarc, J., Paxton, G., & Guerra, C. (2014). Barriers to and facilitators
of utilisation of mental health services by young people of refugee background. https://refugeehealthnetwork.org.au/wpcontent/uploads/Barriers+and+facilitators+pdf+final.pdf
Colucci, E., Szwarc, J., Minas, H., Paxton, G., & Guerra, C. (2014). The utilization of mental
health services by children and young people from a refugee background: A systematic literature review. International Journal of Culture and Mental Health, 7(1), 86–108. https://
doi.org/10.1080/17542863.2012.713371
Commonwealth of Australia. (2019). Australia’s offshore humanitarian program: 2018–19.
Australian Department of Home Affairs.
Copping, A., & Shakespeare-Finch, J. (2013). Trauma and survival in African Humanitarian
Entrants to Australia. In K. Gow & M. Celinski (Eds.), Natural disaster research, prediction and mitigation. Mass trauma: Impact and recovery issues (pp. 331–347). Nova
Science Publishers.
Coventry, G., Dawes, G., Moston, S., & Palmer, D. (2015, June). Sudanese refugees experiences with the Queensland criminal justice system. Report to the Criminology Research
Advisory Council. Australian Institute of Criminology.
Deng, S. A. (2017, December 5–7). South Sudanese youth acculturation and intergenerational
challenges [Conference session]. The 39th African Studies Association of Australasia and
the Pacific (pp. 199–210). The University of Western Australia.
Dolic, Z. (2011). Race or Reason? Police encounters with young people in the Flemington region
and surrounding areas. Victorian Legal Services Board & Victorian Law Foundation.
Drake, D., Fergusson, R., & Briggs, D. (2014). Hearing new voices: Re-viewing youth justice
policy through practitioners’ relationships with young people. Youth Justice, 14(1), 22–39.
20 International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 00(0)
Farrington, D. P., & Loeber, R. (2000). Epidemiology of juvenile violence. Child and
Adolescent Psychiatric Clinics of North America, 9(4), 733–748. https://doi.org/10.1016/
S1056-4993(18)30089-0
Forson, M. (2019). The experiences of African Victorian young people. Findings and
Recommendations report. African Australian Community Taskforce.
Francis, S., & Cornfoot, S. (2007). Working with multicultural youth: Programs, strategies and
future directions. Australian Research Alliance for Children & Youth, Canberra.
Haile-Michael v Konstantinidis. (2012). VID969/2010.
Hancock, K. J., & Zubrick, S. R. (2015). Children and young people at risk of disengagement
from school. Telethon Kids Institute, University of Western Australia.
Hartmann, D. (2003). Theorizing sport as social intervention: A view from the grassroots.
Quest, 55(2), 118–140, https://doi.org/10.1080/00336297.2003.10491795
Hatoss, A., O’Neill, S., & Eacersall, D. (2012). Career choices: Linguistic and educational
socialization of Sudanese-background high-school students in Australia. Linguistics and
Education, 23(1), 16–30. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.linged.2011.10.003
Hebbani, A., Obijiofor, L., & Bristed, H. (2009). Generational differences faced by Sudanese
refugee women settling in Australia. Intercultural Communication Studies, 18(1), 66–82.
Hebbani, A. G., Obijiofor, L., & Bristed, H. (2012, March). Acculturation challenges that
confront Sudanese former refugees in Australia. Journal of Intercultural Communication,
28, 1–18.
Henriques-Gomes, M. (2018, July 25). ‘It’s not safe for us’: South Sudanese-Australians
weather ‘African gangs’ storm. https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/jul/25/
its-not-safe-for-us-south-sudanese-australians-weather-african-gangs-storm
Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade. (2011). Inquiry into
Australia’s relationship with the countries of Africa. Commonwealth of Australia.
Khawaja, N. G., White, K. M., Schweitzer, R., & Greenslade, J. H. (2008). Difficulties and
coping strategies of Sudanese refugees: A qualitative approach. Transcultural Psychiatry,
45(3), 489–512.
Liamputtong, P., & Ezzy, D. (2007). Qualitative research methods (2nd ed.). Oxford University
Press.
Majavu, M. (2020). The ‘African gangs’ narrative: Associating Blackness with criminality and
other anti-Black racist tropes in Australia. African and Black Diaspora: An International
Journal, 12(1), 27–39.
Markus, A. (2016). Australians today. https://scanloninstitute.org.au/publication/australianstoday
Milner, K., & Khawaja, N. G. (2010). Sudanese refugees in Australia – The impact of acculturative stress. Journal of Pacific Rim Psychology, 4(1), 19–29.
Minas, H., Kakuma, R., Too, L. S., Vayani, H., Orapeleng, S., Prasad-Ildes, R., Turner, G.,
Procter, N., & Oehm, D. (2013). Mental health research and evaluation in multicultural
Australia: Developing a culture of inclusion. International Journal of Mental Health
Systems, 7(23). https://doi.org/10.1186/1752-4458-7-23
Minnican, C., & O’Toole, G. (2020). Exploring the incidence of culturally responsive communication in Australian healthcare: The first rapid review on this concept. BMC Health
Services Research, 20. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12913-019-4859-6
Morris, A., & O’Shea, É. (2015). The experiences and perceptions of refugees of local
government services and support, focusing on African refugees. UTS Centre for Local
Government.
Shepherd et al. 21
Onsando, G., Johns, D., Farquharson, K., & Armstrong, G. (2020). Reintegration and resettlement of African Australians released from prison: Towards an Ubuntu framework of
support. Melbourne Social Equity Institute, University of Melbourne.
Peachey, J. W., Bruening, J., Lyras, A., Cohen, A., & Cunningham, G. B. (2013). Examining
social capital development among volunteers of a multinational sport-for-development
event. Journal of Sport Management, 29(1), 27–41. https://doi.org/10.1123/JSM.2013-
0325
Poppitt, G., & Frey, R. (2007). Sudanese adolescent refugees: Acculturation and acculturative stress. Australian Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 17(2), 160–181. https://doi.
org/10.1375/ajgc.17.2.160
Posselt, M., McDonald, K., Procter, N., de Crespigny, C., & Galletly, C. (2017). Improving the
provision of services to young people from refugee backgrounds with comorbid mental
health and substance use problems: Addressing the barriers. BMC Public Health, 17(1),
280. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-017-4186-y
Ravulo, J. (2016). An integrated case management model to assist pacific youth offenders
and their families in Australia. Care Management Journals, 17(4), 170–179. https://doi.
org/10.1891/1521-0987.17.4.170
Renzaho, A. (2008). Re-visioning cultural competence in community health services in Victoria.
Australian Health Review, 32(2), 223–235.
Renzaho, A. M. N., Dhingra, N., & Georgeou, N. (2017). Youth as contested sites of
culture: The intergenerational acculturation gap amongst new migrant communities:
Parental and young adult perspectives. PLoS One, 12(2). https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.
pone.0170700
Saunders, V., Roche, S., McArthur, M., Arney, F., & Ziaian, T. (2016). Refugee communities intercultural dialogue: Building relationships, building communities. Institute of Child
Protection Studies, ACU.
Schweitzer, R., Melville, F., Steel, Z., & Lacherez, P. (2006). Trauma, post-migration living difficulties, and social support as predictors of psychological adjustment in resettled Sudanese
refugees. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry, 40(2), 179–187.
Sellars, M., & Murphy, H. (2017). Becoming Australian: A review of southern Sudanese
students’ educational experiences. International Journal of Inclusive Education, 22(5),
490–509. https://doi.org/10.1080/13603116.2017.1373308
Shepherd, S. M., & Ilalio, T. (2016). Maori and Pacific Islander overrepresentation in the
Australian criminal justice system – what are the determinants? Journal of Offender
Rehabilitation, 55(2), 113–128. https://doi.org/10.1080/10509674.2015.1124959
Shepherd, S. M., Luebbers, S., Ogloff, J. R. P., Fullam, R., & Dolan, M. (2014). The predictive validity of risk assessment approaches for young Australian offenders. Psychiatry,
Psychology and Law, 21(5), 801–817. https://doi.org/10.1080/13218719.2014.904262
Shepherd, S. M., & Masuka, G. (2020). Working with at-risk culturally and linguistically diverse
young people in Australia: Risk factors, programming and service delivery. Criminal
Justice Policy Review, 32(5), 469–483. https://doi.org/10.1177/0887403420929416
Shepherd, S. M., Newton, D., & Farquharson, K. (2018). Pathways to offending for young
Sudanese Australians. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Criminology, 51(4),
481–501. https://doi.org/10.1177/0004865817749262
Shepherd, S. M., & Spivak, B. L. (2020). Estimating the extent and nature of offending by
Sudanese-born individuals in Victoria. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Criminology,
53(3), 352–368. https://doi.org/10.1177/0004865820929066
22 International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 00(0)
Simon-Kumar, R. (2019). Ethnic perspectives on family violence in Aotearoa New Zealand
(Issues Paper 14); Family Violence Clearinghouse. University of Auckland.
Smith, B., & Reside, S. (2010) ‘Boys, you wanna give me some Action?’ Interventions into
policing of racialised communities in Melbourne. Fitzroy Legal Service; Western Suburbs
Legal Service Inc; Springvale Monash Legal Service.
State of Victoria. (2018a). Youth parole board annual report 2017-18. Victorian Department of
Justice and Regulation.
State of Victoria. (2018b). Victorian African communities action plan. Victorian Department of
Premier and Cabinet.
State of Victoria. (2011). Refugee status report: A report on how refugee children and young
people in Victoria are faring. Victorian Department of Education and Early Childhood
Development.
Strauss, A., & Corbin, J. (1990). Grounded theory research: Procedures, canons, and evaluative
criteria. Qualitative Sociology, 13(1), 3–21.
Tamatea, A., & Brown, T. (2011). Culture and offender rehabilitation in New Zealand:
Implications for programme delivery and development. In K. McMasters & D. Riley (Eds.),
Effective interventions with offenders (pp.168–190). HMA.
Vaughan, L., Schubert, L., Movoa, H., & Fa’avale, N. (2018) ‘Hey, We are the best ones at dealing with our own’: Embedding a culturally competent program for Māori and Pacific Island
children into a mainstream health service in Queensland, Australia. Journal of Racial and
Ethnic Health Disparities, 5(3), 605–616.
Vergara, A. T., Kathuria, P., Woodmass, K., Janke, R., & Well, S. J. (2016). Effectiveness of
culturally appropriate adaptations to juvenile justice services. Journal of Juvenile Justice,
5(2), 85–103.
Victorian Equal Opportunity & Human Rights Commission. (2008). Rights of passage: The
experiences of Australian-Sudanese young people. Human Rights Commission.
Victorian Government. (2020). Youth justice strategic plan 2020–2030. Victorian Government.
Watkins, E., & Sood, K. (2017, April 21). Did the Herald Sun invent the Sudanese youth Apex
gang? Crikey. https://www.crikey.com.au/2017/04/21/did-the-herald-sun-invent-the-sudanese-youth-apex-gang/
Weber, L. (2018). ‘Police are good for some people, but not for Us’: Community perspectives on young people, policing and belonging in Greater Dandenong and Casey. Monash
Migration and Inclusion Centre, Monash University.
Yak, G. (2016, May 28). Educational barriers facing South Sudanese Refugees in Australia
[Paper presentation]. The 2nd Annual Refugees Community Advocacy Network
Conference, Melbourne.